In November 2004, the links to internal documents referenced in this paper were updated to link to the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library. To keep the file size to a minimum, the online version of this booklet is primarily text. To obtain a hard copy of The NSA Exposed, complete with all graphics, please call ANRF at 510-841-3032.

"What, if anything, can be done to turn around or slow down the erosion in the public acceptability of smoking?"¹

--Hamish Maxwell, Chairman and CEO of Philip Morris Companies Inc. to Harold Burson, Chairman and CEO of PR firm Burson-Marsteller

"Financial impact of smoking bans will be tremendous - Three to five fewer cigarettes per day per smoker will reduce annual manufacturer profits a billion dollars plus per year."

--Smokers' Alliance Draft, July 1, 1993, Bates Nos. 2025771934 - 2025771995

Get the Facts, Expose the Fiction

The goal of this piece is to reveal the origins, modus operandi, and game plan of the National Smokers Alliance, a "smokers' rights" front group created and funded by Big Tobacco to protect its profits.

Join us as we follow the money trail, expose internal documents, reveal the cast of characters, and learn from case studies across the nation.

NSA Origins

The solution to Big Tobacco's image problem? Hire a PR firm to create the National Smokers Alliance -- a front group in the guise of a grassroots' rights organization.

Responding to the increasing number of local smokefree ordinances, the NSA was invented by Big Tobacco in 1993. ANR has assembled evidence that NSA was launched by public relations giant Burson-Marsteller -- funded by an estimated $4 million in Philip Morris seed money, with help from Brown & Williamson, Lorillard and some fifty smaller tobacco industry players.² Burson-Marsteller, one of the largest PR firms in the U.S., has a history of spinning bad corporate practices into positive puff pieces. The Burson-Marsteller web site touts their expertise in creating "grassroots" organizations. (Find the site at: http://www.bm.com) Burson-Marsteller also has a hand in another tobacco industry advocacy group: The Tobacco Institute.

Internal documents on the Philip Morris web site eliminate any doubt that Big Tobacco and Burson-Marsteller are the sophisticated, invisible puppeteers behind NSA's well-funded efforts. Litigation has forced Philip Morris to make these documents available to the public. As early as 1986, a marketing plan from Burson-Marsteller to Philip Morris details the intimate relationship the two would come to have.³ Even NSA's former Advisory Board Member Morton Downey, Jr. called the NSA a "total front" for the tobacco industry.⁴

Read the documents at:
Bates Nos. 2046875317/5351
Bates Nos. 2023203153/3158
Bates Nos. 2047897334/7347

The notion that Philip Morris cares about smokers' rights is a chilling fallacy. Philip Morris knowingly addicts children to a product which kills them-- and then does its best to make sure they keep buying their product. They oppose clean indoor air ordinances because smokefree policies encourage people to quit smoking. Philip Morris cares about money, not smokers.

NSA Game Plan

They use it in small towns, they use it in big cities. They use it anywhere they want to interfere with laws that protect us from the health hazards of secondhand smoke. Grassroots? More like astroturf.

If your city has a smokefree ordinance up for vote you can expect the NSA to blow into town with their vast array of tactics:

• Recruiting allies from unsuspecting business owners.
• Forming a new NSA front group, such as "Businesses United for Fairness," or co-opting a pre-existing group like a state or local restaurant association.
• Distributing flawed economic impact studies.
• Mounting a media outreach program.
• Inundating local legislators with pre-printed postcards and form letters from the NSA "constituency."
• Hiring telemarketing firms to identify the few opposed to a proposed ordinance; patching them directly to an elected official's office.

Grassroots Imagemaking

NSA execs say they turn everything over to the locals. Interestingly, a Philip Morris internal action plan paints a different picture. It recommends co-opting local organizations as front groups and sending in outside staffers from PR firm Burson-Marsteller:

"A local effort must be run as a lean, hard-nosed political operation with clear targets and tactics. " ⁶

"Identify, recruit and educate allies who have a direct interest in individual and smokers' rights: convenience stores, restaurants, bars/taverns, bowling alleys." ⁷

Read the documents at:
Bates Nos. 2023203153/3158
Bates Nos. 2047897333/7347

It's not a coincidence that so-called "grassroots" campaigns use identical printed materials. These are pre-printed postcards addressed to legislators in Maine, Texas, and West Virginia:

NSA Sound Bites

Whether at a council meeting, using the media, or recruiting small business owners, NSA reps like Mike Hambrick use their pre-packaged sound bites to reframe the ordinance debate.

DURING ORDINANCE DEBATE

AFTER THE ORDINANCE PASSES

Media Blitz

NSA makes a concerted effort to get their PR puff messages out: by utilizing local newspapers, television and radio; by targeting bar and restaurant owners; and by creating a front group to discredit a respected health researcher.

A Complex PR Campaign

Philip Morris internal documents reveal the orchestration of a complex public relations campaign utilizing many facets of the media:

"...create a media program to focus on all media outlets in the state, no matter how small, and generate editorials, columns and news articles... [with] local, on-site political analysis to be conducted by a political team directed by Burson-Marsteller..." ⁸

"We recommend putting a media person on the ground in each state we target... assess the local media opportunities and make arrangements for interviews, editorial boards, appearances, etc. Our team members back in Washington would begin the immediate drafting of sample letters and columns." ⁹

Targeting Restaurant Owners

The NSA took out a glossy 4-page advertisement in a national restaurant publication promoting their PR puff messages, including: (1) that the NSA wants to help restaurateurs fight for their rights, and (2) that restaurants lose business when smoking ordinances go into effect.

NSA's "programs to help restaurateurs" include: awareness campaigns, grassroots mobilization, posters and store displays, organization with local leaders, campaigning, business ideas and legal help. ¹⁰

Read the PR document at:
Bates Nos. 2023203153/3158

Membership

So where did "millions" of NSA members come from? Big Tobacco simply created them.

Desperate for Members

After a disappointing initial membership campaign, NSA ran full-page ads and paid people to sign up in bars, bingo parlors and bowling alleys across the country. ¹² People were counted as members whether or not they paid dues, and at least some were given cigarette lighters in exchange for signing. ¹³ In a desperate attempt to pump up their membership rolls, the NSA considered drafting Philip Morris employees, as noted in this internal document posted on their web site: "... [they] have suggested that we extend membership in NSA to all PM USA employees...that we do a special letter...indicating that PM is a supporter of the organization and because of its financial support, is offering PM employees a free six-month membership... we will follow-up with a request for dues at the end of that period." ¹⁴

Read the document at:
Bates No. 2023343150

The numbers just don't add up:

"...3 million people it claims as members....contributed just $74,000... enough dues for 7,400 members." ¹⁵

The Facts

• The NSA's annual reports to the Internal Revenue Service for the first three years indicate that less than 1% of its earnings came from membership dues. Ninety-six percent (96%) of funds came from Philip Morris alone. ¹⁶
  
  
• According to IRS documents nearly all of the first $7 million funneled to the NSA after its founding in August 1993 was from Philip Morris Cos. ¹⁷
  
  
• According to Minnesota's Charities Database, for fiscal year ending 1996, total revenue for the NSA was $9,011,351. Membership dues accounted for less than .9% of total revenues, or $73,596. ¹⁸

Cast of Characters

Who's pulling the strings? A closer look at the backgrounds of current NSA leadership says a lot about the organization and its loyalties. In addition to the chief executives, NSA employs dozens of "action team leaders" and state and national board members.

Thomas Humber
President and CEO
Former Senior Vice President of Burson-Marsteller in charge of Philip Morris Account (1990). Former Public Affairs Director, Philip Morris (prior to 1990). Earned a salary of $450,000 in 1996. ¹⁹

Gary Auxier
Senior Vice President
After a series of major newspaper articles exposing the Big Tobacco-NSA funding link, the NSA no longer denies being a front for the tobacco industry. ²⁰ Auxier, a former Burson-Marsteller staffer on the PM account, says: "We'd like to get more [money] from each of them. After all, we are representing their customers... We prefer to get involved with businesses and work that way. It's more effective from our viewpoint." ²¹

Mike Hambrick
Senior Vice President
Veteran television journalist with 30 years of experience. On tobacco industry backing: "We have 51 contributors -- and three of them are tobacco companies. I really don't know [how much the tobacco companies contribute]. I'm not trying to be evasive -- I just don't deal with those things." ²²

Eric Schippers
Vice President
In January 1997, he said: "We try not to be the outsiders coming in...[we try to] get our members to do it. We think it makes much more compelling testimony." But Schippers' actions speak louder than words. Just months later he traveled from Alexandria, VA to testify against a proposed ordinance at a City Council meeting in Sierra Vista, Arizona, pop. 30,000. ²³ In Monongalia (Mon) County, West Virginia, Schippers boasted about NSA co-opting tactics on the community level, commenting that it was difficult to say how much money had been spent fighting the Mon County ban because "this is what we do -- come into a community and organize the opposition." ²⁴

The Names May Change...

But tobacco industry front group tactics remain the same. When the Tobacco Institute was threatened with closure, VP Walker Merryman cynically responded: "All we're going to do is change the name on the door...We're going to continue to do what we've always done." ²⁵

Case Studies

Follow the money trail, and anti-ordinance campaigns lead back to one place: Alexandria, Virginia, the heart of Big Tobacco country and headquarters of the National Smokers Alliance.

NSA used the same tactics in dozens of other communities, including:

Mesa, Arizona
Mesa keeps its local ordinance intact, despite an NSA-supported referendum campaign.

State of California
The NSA uses a full court press in an attempt to stall and dismantle the state's smokefree bar law, in effect since January 1, 1998.

Montrose, Colorado
The NSA sends three full-time organizers into a town of 11,000.

Portland, Maine
Despite an NSA media blitz and organizing campaign, the city council passes a strong local smokefree ordinance.

Marquette, Michigan
City commissioners vote in favor of Michigan's first 100% smokefree ordinance; NSA leaves town in defeat.

Corvallis, Oregon
NSA fails to overturn Oregon's first smokefree air ordinance. After a lawsuit is filed against the ordinance, a Circuit Court ruling rejects tobacco industry claims of preemption in Oregon.

Monongalia County, West Virginia
An NSA media blitz pressures the Board of Health to rescind an ordinance amendment.

Case Studies: A Full Report

In communities coast to coast, NSA activities are strikingly familiar. Here we've documented smokefree ordinance battles in six states -- many more communities are experiencing the very same NSA tactics.

The NSA uses bar coasters and stickers to portray themselves as a smokers rights organization. Identical materials have appeared in communities across the nation.

Marquette, Michigan

• June 1997: After a year of community education and mobilization on the issue of smokefree public places and workplaces, an ordinance is introduced and public hearings are scheduled by the Marquette City Commission. ³³
  
  
• Three NSA representatives show up in town, join forces with the Michigan Restaurant Association and distribute tobacco industry-sponsored studies claiming smokefree ordinances hurt restaurant sales. ³⁴
  
  
• The Coalition responds immediately by sending out information on the NSA to the local media and City Commissioners. ³⁵
  
  
• The local American Lung Association testifies at a hearing about the history and tobacco industry funding of the NSA. ³⁶
  
  
• Coalition members send letters to the editor to the local newspaper alerting the community that the Marlboro men are in town. ³⁷
  
  
• July 27, 1997: The Marquette City Commissioners vote in favor of Michigan's first 100% smokefree ordinance, thanks to Coalition efforts to educate them on tobacco industry tactics well in advance. ³⁸
  
  

Postscript: The NSA left town in defeat, but not before offering financial support to the businesses for a legal challenge. In December 1998, the Michigan Restaurant Association and 5 restaurant owners filed a lawsuit charging that Michigan state law preempted the Marquette ordinance. ³⁹

Mesa, Arizona

• March 1996: Mesa voters enact a local smokefree ordinance. ⁴⁰
  
  
• The NSA helps three "members" pay for a lawsuit filed against the Mesa's new smokefree ordinance. ⁴¹ A total of eight nuisance lawsuits are filed; all are thrown out of court.
  
  
• The NSA provides funding to front group Valley Business Owners and Concerned Citizens Inc. (VBO). VBO initially denies any connections. VBO's attorney, Jack LaSota, is a paid lobbyist for the NSA. ⁴²
  
  
• VBO spends $6,180 on gathering signatures for a ballot initiative to repeal the smokefree ordinance. A campaign finance statement filed in May 1997 shows that of the $6,793 raised by VBO in the last six months of 1996, $6,039 was donated by the NSA. ⁴³
  
  
• The NSA conducts a telephone push poll of Mesa residents, framing the ordinance and Mayor Wayne Brown in a disparaging light. The mayor is threatened with a recall attempt. ⁴⁴
  
  
• The NSA distributes flawed economic impact studies, conducted by a firm contracted by the city of Mesa, to other communities considering smokefree ordinances throughout the U.S. ⁴⁵
  
  
• March 1998: Voters choose to keep the ordinance in place. ⁴⁶

Postscript: Since the ordinance took effect, sales tax revenue from restaurants is up 8.2% and 30 new restaurants have opened in Mesa.

Portland, Maine

• January 1997: a steering committee is convened to pursue a local smokefree restaurant ordinance.
  
  
• November 1997: the committee has conducted a public opinion poll, formed a representative coalition, surveyed restaurants and held educational sessions.
  
  
• The first hint of NSA presence is a postcard sent to area smokers informing them of the upcoming City Council Committee meeting. NSA materials appear in the Maine Restaurant Association informational packet distributed at the meeting.
  
  
• NSA mails Portland restaurant owners a packet containing 'Resist Prohibition' stickers, pre-printed postcards addressed to Portland's mayor and a storefront banner -virtually identical to NSA materials that showed up in Monongalia County, WV. ⁴⁷
  
  
• Michael Hambrick, NSA Senior VP, is featured twice on WGAN's morning talk radio program and works the city council halls the night of the public hearing. Hambrick admits NSA contributed money for two full-page newspaper ads opposing the ordinance. ⁴⁸
  
  
• April 6, 1998: As the vote comes down 7-2 in favor, "Hambrick, who watched stone faced from the front row with his 'operative'... was not a happy man." ⁴⁹
  
  

Postscript: Local opponents successfully forced a referendum against the ordinance. Trying to keep a low profile during the campaign, Big tobacco sent in 'independent expert' John Luik to appear on a local talk radio program. After the coalition exposed Philip Morris internal documents linking Luik with Rothmans International, he failed to appear for the scheduled interview. On November 3, 1998, 68% of Portland voters upheld Maine's first smokefree ordinance.

Monongalia County, West Virginia

• November 1997: The Tobacco Education and Awareness (TEAM) coalition proposed strong clean indoor air regulations amendments to the County Board of Health that would make virtually all public places and workplaces, including restaurants, smokefree.
  
  
• December 12, 1997: At the Mon County Board of Health meeting to vote on the regulation, the smokefree amendments are modified by the Board to include bars (against the advice of the TEAM Coalition). ⁵⁰
  
  
• NSA Vice President Eric Schippers comes to Mon County, organizes bar and restaurant owners and wages a media campaign via newspaper, radio and television. ⁵¹ Campaign slogans of 'Repeal Prohibition' and 'You Are Being Targeted' appear on t-shirts, caps, bar coasters and bumper stickers.
  
  
• Schippers discloses to the Dominion Post that the NSA has been spending most of its time and money in California and Mon County, and given an unnamed group $1,000. ⁵²
  
  
• Mon County attorney Andrew Fusco holds a news conference on behalf of a "local business group," threatening a lawsuit if the amendment is not repealed. ⁵³
  
  
• January 19, 1998: Responding to the intense pressure, the Board of Health votes to rescind all the 100% smokefree amendments, maintaining the original regulation. ⁵⁴
  
  
• TEAM submits a revised set of amendments to the Board of Health that exempts free-standing bars and some bingo parlors. On June 17, 1998, attorney Fusco proposes an alternative proposal to the Board: a Red Light-Green Light signage requirement. ⁵⁵
  
  
• July 21, 1998: Instead of taking action on either proposal, the Board of Health establishes a task force to study all aspects of tobacco use.
  
  

Postscript: Andrew Fusco is named to the tobacco task force. At its first meeting in August, 1998, Fusco announces that he is now a member of the NSA's Board of Advisors.

Montrose, Colorado

• February 1998: City Council of Montrose (population 11,000) presents a proposal for a clean indoor air ordinance covering public places and restaurants. ⁵⁶
  
  
• John Merritt and two other NSA operatives fly in from Alexandria, VA to organize Montrose restaurant owners, providing them with resources and a strategy to defeat the proposed ordinance. ⁵⁷
  
  
• At the City Council meeting, restaurant owners argue that the ordinance is being "railroaded through." The Council is convinced to drop the ordinance and instead sends an advisory question to voters asking if the city should study the matter. ⁵⁸
  
  
• Forces opposing the ordinance use a debate organized by the League of Women Voters to redirect the focus from public health to negative economic impact and big government. ⁵⁹
  
  
• April 6, 1998: Montrose voters defeated the advisory measure in a vote of 1,442 to 1,252. ⁶⁰
  
  

Postscript: Angered and energized by the NSA's intrusion into their community, local tobacco control advocates are campaigning to ensure a strong smokefree ordinance is enacted in Montrose. ⁶¹

Corvallis, Oregon

• August 1997: Oregon's first 100% smokefree ordinance is up for City Council vote. NSA representatives arrive in Corvallis and join forces with the Oregon Restaurant Association (ORA). ⁶²
  
  
• The ORA distributes bar coaster "petitions" that urge smokers, after filling in their name and number, to stand up to the "lifestyle police." ⁶² NSA sets up phone banks appealing to individuals to write to Council members and testify at the upcoming hearing. ⁶³
  
  
• August 12, 1997: The ORA gives the City Council the same flawed economic impact studies from Massachusetts and Arizona pushed by the NSA elsewhere. The following day ORA lawyers threaten the mayor and Council with legal action. ⁶⁴
  
  
• Meanwhile, the Tobacco Free Coalition of Benton County makes an immediate link between the NSA, ORA and Philip Morris, publishing an opinion piece in the local paper. ⁶⁵
  
  
• August 18, 1997: Thanks to Coalition efforts to educate the community, elected officials and business owners see through tobacco industry tactics. A unanimous second vote enacts the ordinance. ⁶⁶
  
  

Postscript: In March 1998, a Circuit Court judge ruled against an ORA lawsuit that claimed the Corvallis ordinance was preempted by the state clean indoor air law. Soon after enough signatures were gathered to qualify a referendum to revoke the bar provisions of the ordinance. Despite heavy tobacco industry contributions to the repeal campaign, 57% of Corvallis voters upheld Oregon's first smokefree ordinance in November 1998. ⁶⁷

Cited Sources

1. Philip Morris and Burson-Marsteller: A Partnership, [August 1986]. Bates Nos. 2046875317/5351.
2. Levin, M. "Smoker group's thick wallet raises questions," Los Angeles Times, March 30, 1998; Morain, D. "Behind fuming bar owners is savvy, well-heeled group," Los Angeles Times, January 30, 1998.
3. Philip Morris and Burson-Marsteller: A Partnership.
4. Levin, M., "Smoker group's thick wallet raises questions," Los Angeles Times, March 30, 1998.
5. NSA Political Plan Outline. Bates Nos. 2023203153/3158.
6. ibid.
7. National Smokers Alliance 1994 Political Action Plan. Bates Nos. 2047897334/7347.
8. NSA Political Plan Outline.
9. ibid.
10. National Smokers Alliance Restaurant Intelligence Bulletin. Insert in: Nation's Restaurant News, December 9, 1996.
11. National Smokers Alliance memo, Thomas Humber to NSA Members, May 23, 1997.
12. Stauber, J. and Rampton, S. "Toxic Sludge is Good For You: Lies, Damn Lies and the Public Relations Industry." Stone, P.H. "Blowing smoke at its critics," National Journal, April 20, 1996.
13. Levin, M., "Smoker group's thick wallet raises questions," Los Angeles Times, March 30, 1998.
14. Philip Morris USA Inter-office memo from Ellen Merlo to David McCloud (NSA, Executive Director) Re: National Smokers Alliance membership, November 10, 1993. Bates No. 2023343150.
15. Levin, M., "Smoker group's thick wallet raises questions," Los Angeles Times, March 30, 1998.
16. ibid.
17. ibid.
18. Minnesota Attorney General's Office, Charities Database, October 22, 1997.
19. Brull, S. "Smoke-filled lobbyists were here," Business Week, February 6, 1998.
20. Levin, M., "Smoker group's thick wallet raises questions," Los Angeles Times, March 30, 1998.
21. Morain, D. "Behind fuming bar owners is savvy, well-heeled group," Los Angeles Times, January 30, 1998.
22. Nemitz, B., "Good prevails over tobacoo's bad and ugly," Portland Press Herald, April 8, 1998.
23. Davis, K., "Smoking debate goes to board," Arlington Heights Post, January 23, 1997; City of Sierra Vista, Arizona, Speaker Information Form completed by Eric Schippers, 1997.
24. Oriole, K. "Lawsuit may clear the air," Dominion Post, January 17, 1998.
25. Cimons, M. "Tobacco Institute Workers Confident of Reincarnation," Los Angeles Times, June 24, 1997.
26. Putnam, K., "[Sample letter regarding AB 13 and NSA campaign against its implementation]," Alexandria: National Smokers Alliance (NSA), January 8, 1996.
27. [n.a.], "Coaster campaign taking off in California," NSA Voice 6(4):4, June 1996.
28. [n.a.], "Coaster campaign makes a difference. In: National Smokers Alliance Restaurant Intelligence Bulletin.", Nation's Restaurant News insert, December 9, 1996.
29. Putnam, K., "[Letter to bar owners in California, asking for help in repealing the state's smokefree bar law]," Alexandria, VA: National Smokers Alliance (NSA), [n.d.].
30. National Smokers Alliance (NSA), "Prohibition News Update." Alexandria, VA: National Smokers Alliance (NSA), January 12, 1998.
31. FORCES (Fight Ordinances & Restrictions to Control & Eliminate Smoking), "Choice has died in the 'free and tolerant' state of California: FORCES calls for civil disobedience to the new law!", Fight Ordinances & Restrictions to Control & Eliminate Smoking (FORCES) http://www.forces.org, [1998].
32. Siegel, J., "Smoking ban foes take last drag to snuff it," Daily News, [n.d.].
33. Sargent, B. "Smoking issue smolders," Mining Journal, June 17, 1997.
34. Memorandum from James Harrington, Health Educator, Marquette County [MI] Health Department to Americans for Nonsmokers' Rights, regarding NSA activities in Marquette smokefree ordinance campaign, April 2, 1998.
35. ibid.
36. Testimony of Carol Margrif, American Lung Association of Michigan, at Marquette City Commission hearing, July 14, 1997.
37. Memorandum from James Harrington, 1998.
38. Sargent, B. "Smoke out: Marquette passes stringent anti-smoking ordinance," Mining Journal, July 29, 1997.
39. Sargent, B. "Smoking petitions touted: Recently passed ordinance targeted, city election sought," Mining Journal, August 13, 1997; Memo from James Harrington, 1998.
40. Noyes, F. "Mesa voters snuff out public smoking," Mesa Tribune, March 27, 1996.
41. Nowicki, D. "Alliance funds no-smoking protest," Mesa Tribune, December 9, 1996; "NSA members challenge Arizona smoking ban," NSA Voice, Sept/Oct, 1996.
42. Nowicki, D., "City examining group's ties to smoking ban foes," Mesa Tribune, February 1, 1997.
43. Moeser, C. "Smoking forces' finances revealed," Arizona Republic, May 14, 1997.
44. Nowicki, D. "Mayor decries poll as political ploy," Mesa Tribune, (no date).
45. Letter from Thomas Humber, NSA president and CEO, to Gail Ewing, President of the Montgomery County, MD County Council regarding the potential economic impact of a proposed smoking ordinance, October 11, 1996.
46. Sherwood, R. "Mesa backs restaurant smoking ban 2-to-1," Arizona Republic, March 11, 1998.
47. Action memo from Stephen Flaherty, NSA Director of Public Affairs to Portland restaurant owners Re: Proposed restaurant smoking ban, [February] 1998; Letter with attachments from Charles Thayer, West Virginia Tobacco Control Program, to Phyllis Wolfe, Portland [ME] Public Health, February 27, 1998.
48. "Separating fact from myth and innuendo," full page advertisement, Casco Bay Weekly, [February] 1998; Nemitz, B. "Good prevails over tobacco's bad and ugly," Portland Press Herald, April 8, 1998.
49. Russell, A. "Portland councilors approve ordinance to restrict smoking in restaurants," Portland Press Herald, April 7, 1998.
50. "Here's verbatim no-smoking regulation for Monongalia County," Dominion Post, January 9, 1998; Anderson, R., et al., "Clear the air" Dominion Post, January 31, 1998.
51. Oriole, K. "Lawsuit may clear air: Smokers link legal action to board meeting," Dominion Post, January 17, 1998.
52. ibid.
53. ibid.
54. Oriole, K. "BOH rescinds ban on smoking in county bars: Plans to study issue further," Dominion Post, January 20, 1998.
55. Oriole, K. "Group offers smoke signals: Proposed signs would inform customers of smoking rules," Dominion Post, June 18, 1998.
56. Smythe, R. "City prepares smoking law," Daily Press, January 16, 1998.
57. Zebrowski, J. "Tobacco alliance aids Montrose's pro-smokers," Daily Sentinel, February 11, 1998; Phone call from J. Zebrowski to ANR' s Elva Yanez.
58. Smythe, R. "Smoking ban still smoldering: Montrose voters will decide if committee should be formed," Daily Press, February 13, 1998; ̉Montrose resistance trounces smoking ban," The Resistance, March 1998.
59. Smythe, R. "Issues smolder at forum," Daily Press, March 25, 1998.
60. Rusby, S. "Voters defeat restaurant smoking study," Montrose Morning Sun, April 8, 1998.
61. Lofholm, N., "Montrose smoking fight attracts nationwide attention," Denver Post, May 12, 1998.
62. Loew, T. "Area smokers fired up," Corvallis Gazette Times, August 12, 1997.
63. Loew, T. "Alliance wants ban snuffed: National smoking group mobilizes local opposition," Corvallis Gazette Times, August 18, 1997.
64. Letter from Bill Perry, Oregon Restaurant Association to Corvallis City Council, August 12, 1997; Letter from Michael Mills, Mills & McMillan, Attorneys at Law, to [Corvallis] Mayor Helen Berg, August 13, 1997.
65. Logerbeam, S. "Big tobacco is behind opposition to proposal," Corvallis Gazette Times, August 17, 1997.
66. Finley, C. "Corvallis cracks down on smoking," Oregonian, August 20, 1997.
67. Oregon Restaurant Association v. City of Corvallis, Case No. 97-10260, Circuit Court of Oregon for Benton County, March 9, 1998; Corvin, A. "Petition gets more time," Corvallis Gazette Times, July 21, 1998.

This publication was made possible in part by funds from the Tobacco Tax Health Protection Act of 1988 - Proposition 99, under Grant Number 94-20945 with the California Department of Health Services, Tobacco Control Section.

Updated November 2004